consideration touch a war with Spain to the prince your highness have a  imperial name it be a Charles that bring the empire first into France a  Charles that bring it first into Spain why shall not great Britain have his  turn but to lie aside all that may seem to have a show of fume and fancy and  to speak solid a war with Spain if the king shall enter into it be a mighty  work it require strong material and active motion he that say not so be  zealous but not accord to knowledge but nevertheless Spain be no such giant  and he that think Spain to be some great over match for this estate assist as  it be and may be be no good Mint-man but take greatness of kingdom accord to  their bulk and currency and not after their intrinsic valve although therefore  I have whole sequester my think from civil affair yet because it be a new case  and concern my country infinite I obtain of my self to set down out of long  continue experience in business of estate and much conversation in book of  policy and history what I think pertinent to this business and in all  humbleness present it to your highness hope that at least you will discern the  strength of my affection through the weakness of my ability for the Spaniard  have a good proverb Desuario siempre con la Calentura there be no heat of  affection but be join with some idleness of brain to a war be require a just  quarrel sufficient force and provision and a prudent choice of the design so  then I will first justify the quarrel second balance the force and last  propound variety of design for choice but not advice the choice for that be  not fit for a write of this nature neither be it a subject within the level of  my judgement I be in effect a stranger to the present occurrence war I speak  not of ambitious predatory war be suit of appeal to the Tribunal of God  justice where there be no superior on earth to determine the Cause and they be  as civil plea be plaint or defence there be therefore three just ground of war  with Spain one plaint two upon defence Solomon faith a cord of three be not  easy break but especial when every of the line will hold single by it self  they be these the recovery of the palatinate a just fear of the subversion of  our civil estate a just fear of the subversion of our church and religion for  in the handle of the two last ground of war I shall make it plain that war  preventive upon just fear be true defensive as well as upon actual invasion  and again that war defensive for religion I speak not of rebellion be most  just though offensive war for religion be seldom to be approve or never unless  they have some mixture of civil title but all that I shall say in this whole  argument will be but like bottom of thread close wound up which with a good  needle perhaps may be flourish into large work for the Afferting of the  justice of the quarrel for the recovery of the palatinate I shall not go so  high as to discuss the right of the war of Bohemia which if it be free from  doubt on our part then there be no colour nor shadow why the palatinate shall  be retain the ravish whereof be a mere excursion of the first wrong and a  super injustice but I do not take my self to be so perfect in the custom  transaction and privilege of that kingdom of Bohemia as to be fit to handle  that part and I will not offer at that I can master yet this I will say in  passage positive and resolute that it be impossible a elective Monarchy shall  be so free and absolute as a hereditary no more than it be possible for a  father to have so full power and interest in a adoptive son as in a natural  because physical scientist obligation  strong Civili and again that receive  maxim be almost unshake and infallible nil to greater extent nature  concurrent circumstances  be how ut the same manner res to take apart who  to put so that if the part of the people or estate be somewhat in the election  you can make they nulls or cipher in the privation or translation and if it be  say that this be a dangerous opinion for the pope emperor and elective king it  be true it be a dangerous opinion and ought to be a dangerous opinion to such  personal pope emperor or elective king as shall transcend their limit and  become tyrannical but it be a safe and sound opinion for their see empire and  kingdom and for themselves also if they be wise fullness power be fullness  season but the chief Cause why I do not search into this point be because I  needs it not and in handle the right of a war I be not Willing to intermix  matter doubtful with that which be out of doubt for as in capital cause  wherein but one man life be in question in favor vitae the evidence ought to  be clear so much more in a judgement upon a war which be capital to thousand I  suppose therefore the worst that the offensive war upon Bohemia have be unjust  and then make the case which be no soon make than resolve if it be make not  enwrap but plain and perspicuous it be this in proposition a offensive war be  make which be unjust in the Aggressour the prosecution and race of the war  carry the defendant to affail and invade the ancient and indubitate patrimony  of the first Aggressour who be now turn defendant shall he fit down and not  put himself in defence or if he be dispossess shall he not make a war for the  recovery no man be so poor of judgement as will affirm it the castle of Cadmus  be take and the city of Thebes it self invest by Ehaebidas the lace demonian  insidious and in violation of league the process of this action draw on a  Resurprise of the castle by the theban a recovery of the town and a current of  the war even unto the wall of Sparta I demand be the defence of the city of  Sparta and the expulsion of the theban out of the ancient laconian territory  unjust the share of that part of the Duichy of Milan which lie upon the river  of to put to by the upon contract with the French be a ambitious and unjust  purchase this wheel set on go do pour a war upon the venetians with such a  tempest as Padua and Trevigi be take from they and all their dominion upon the  continent of Italy abandon and they confine within the salt water will any man  say that the memorable recovery and defence of Padotia when the gentleman of  Venice unused to the war out of the love of their country become brave and  martial the first day and so likewise the readeption of Trevigi and the rest  of their dominion be matter of scruple whether just or no because it have  force from a quarrel ill begin the war of the duke of Urban nephew to pope  Julius the second when he make himself head of the Spanish mutineer be as  unjust as unjust may be a support of desperate rebel a invasion of saint Peter  patrimony and what you will the race of this war fall upon the loss of Urban  it self which be the duke undoubted right yet in this case no penitentiary  though he have enjoin he never so strait penance to expiate his first offence  will have counsel he to have give over the pursuit of his right for Urban  which after he prosperous reobtained and have transmit to his family yet until  this day nothing more unjust than the invasion of the Spanish armada in upon  our sea for our land be holy land to they they may not touch it shall I say  therefore that the defence of Lisbon or cales afterward be unjust there be  thousand of example act. in Re non doubt pattern non relative the reason be  plain war be vindicte revenge reparation but revenge be not infinite but  accord to the measure of the first wrong or damage and therefore when a  voluntary offensive war by the design or fortune of the war be turn to a  necessary defensive war the scene of the tragedy be change and it be a new Act  to begin for though they the particular action of war be complicate in fact  yet they be separate and distinct in right like to cross suit in civil plea  which be sometime both just but this be so clear as needs no further to be  insist upon and yet if in thing so clear it be fit to speak of more or less  clear in our present Cause it be the more clear on our part because the  possession of Bohemia be settle with the emperor for though it be true that  non to hand over compensati in an unjust manner yet be there somewhat more  colour to detain the palatinate as in the nature of a recovery in valve or  compensation if Bohemia have be lose or be still the stage of war of this  therefore I speak no more as for the Title of proscription or forfeiture  wherein the emperor upon the matter have be judge and party and have justiced  himself God forbid but that it shall well endure a appeal to a war for certain  the court of heaven be as well a chancery to save and debar forfeiture as a  court of commonlaw to decide right and there will be work enough in Germany  Italy and other part if imperial forfeiture shall go for good title thus much  for the first ground of war with Spain be in the nature of a plaint for the  recovery of the palatinate omit here that which may be the seed of a large  discourse and be verify by a number of example that whatsoever be gain by a  abusive treaty ought to be restore in integrum as we see the daily experience  of this in civil plea for the image of great thing be best see contract into  small glass we see I say that all Praetorian court if any of the party be  entertain or lie asleep under pretence of arbiterment or accord and that the  other party during that time do cautelously get the start and advantage at  commonlaw though it be to judgement and execution yet the Praetorian court  will set back all thing in position quo prin no respect have to such eviction  or disposition last let there be no mistake as if when I speak of a war for  the recovery of the palatinate I mean that it must be in string virtue upon  that place for look into Jus faeciale and all example and it will be find to  be without scruple that after a legation and res to fall upon again and a  refusal and a denunciation or indiction of a war the war be no more confine to  the place of the quarrel but be leave at large and to choice as to the  particular conduce design as opportunity and advantage shall invite to proceed  therefore to the second ground of a war with Spain we have set it down to be a  just fear of the subversion of our civil estate so then the war be not for the  palatinate only but for England Scotland Ireland our king our prince our  nation all that we have wherein two thing be to be prove the one that a just  fear without a actual invasion or offence be a sufficient ground of a war and  in the nature of a true defensive the other that we have towards Spain Cause  of just fear I say just fear for as the civilian do well define that the legal  fear be legitimate metus who to fall in Constans man in private cause so there  be legitimate metus who to fall in Constans senate in cause public officer not  out of umbrage light jealousy apprehension a far off but out of clear  foresight of imminent danger concern the former proposition it be good to hear  what time say Thucydides in his inducement to his story of the great war of  Peloponnesus set down in plain term that the true Cause of that war be the  overgrow greatness of the Athenian and the fear that the Lacedaemonian stand  in thereby and do not doubt to call it a necessity impose upon the  Lacedaemonian of a war which be the word of a mere defensive add that the  other cause be but specious and popular Verissimam indeed  say minim sermon  to frequent arbitror exitisse Belli cause of magnos execution Lacedemoniis  formidolosos illts to place upon to wage war who autem openly on both sides  to be c the true Cause of this war though least voice I conceive to have be  this that the Athenian be grow great to the terror of the Lacedaemonian do  impose upon they a necessity of a war but the cause that go abroad in speech  be these c Sulpitius Galba consul when he persuade the Roman to a preventive  war with the latter Philip king of in regard of the great preparation which  Philip have then on foot and his design to ruin some of the confederate of the  Roman confident say that they who take that for a offensive war understand not  the state of the question not to know to see I quirite non utrum bellum a  peace to have thou consul  nor for book id thou to let pass Philippus who land  marique not natural bellum struggle sedutrum in macedoniam legion  to carry over a enemy  in Italy To take back you seem to I you Roman not to  understand that the consultation before you be not whether you shall have war  or peace for Philip will take order you shall be no chooser who prepare a  mighty war both by land and sea but whether you shall transport the war into  Macedon or receive it into Italy Antiochus when he incite king of at that time  in Leagne with the to join with he in war against they set before he fear of  the over spread greatness of the Roman it to a fire that continual take and  spread from kingdom to kingdom venire romanos and Regna to lift ut no one  anywhere circle the earth nist of Rome command be the battle of Philippi  a king of Sparta to take by assault see for the third time to strive for ut  whoever it be neighbor ab pressure sit per all just as essential point  incendium to go through that the Roman come to pull down all kingdom and to  make the state of Rome a universal Monarchy that Philip and nabis be already  ruinate and now be his turn to be assail so that as every state lie next to  the other that be oppress so the fire perpetual graze wherein it be well to be  note that towards ambitious state which be note to aspire to great monarchy  and to seek upon all occasion to enlarge their dominion to come into being  trick just metus all particular fear do grow and multiply out of the  contemplation of the general course and practice of such state therefore in  deliberation of war against the Turk it have be often with great judgement  maintain that Christian prince and state have always a sufficient ground of  invasive war against the enemy not for Cause of religion but upon a just fear  for as much as it be a fundamental law in the Turkish empire that they may  without any other provocation make war upon Christendom for the propagation of  their law so that there lie upon the Christian a perpetual fear of a war hang  over their head from they and therefore they may at all time as they think  good be upon the prevention Demosthenes expose to scorn war which be not  preventive compare those that make they to country fellow in a fence school  that never ward till the blow be pass ut strange land boxer to fight solent it  a thou bellum to bear about come Philippo ex his for be who ictus be a blow  always to stick fast quoth si come alibi lash there manus transfort to go  autem to drive out or she that takes care nor inquire nor vult as country  fellow use to do when they play at waster such a kind of war do you Athenian  make with Philip for with they he that get a blow straight fall to ward when  the blow be pass and if you strike he in another place thither go his hand  likewise but to put by or foresee a blow they neither have the skill nor the  will Clinias the Candiaen in Plato speak desperate and wild as if there be no  such thing as peace between nation but that every nation expect but his  advantage to war upon another but yet in that excess of speech there be thus  much that may have a civil construction namely that every state ought to stand  upon his Guard and rather prevent than be prevent his word be how remember  fere to call peace naked inane nomen be in fact autem omnibus facing all  community bellum sempiternum last long that which man for the most part call  peace be but a naked and empty name but the truth be that there be ever  between all estate a secret war I know well this speech be the objection and  not the decision and that it be after refute but yet as I say before it bear  thus much of truth that if that general malignity and predisposition to war  which he true figure to be in all nation be produce and extend to a just fear  of be oppress then it be no more a true peace but a name of a peace as for the  opinion of Iphicrates the Athenian it demand not so much towards a war as a  just fear but rather come near the opinion of Clinias as if there be ever  among nation a brood of a war and that there be no sure league but impuissance  to do hurt for he in the treaty of peace with the Lacedaemonian speak plain  language tell they there can be no true and secure peace except the  Lacedaemonian yield to those thing which be grant it will be no long in their  power to hurt the Athenian though they will and to say truth if one mark it  well this be in all memory the main piece of wisdom in strong and prudent  counsel to be in perpetual watch that the state about they shall neither by  approach nor by increase of dominion nor by ruin confederate nor by block of  Trade nor by any the like mean have it in their power to hurt or annoy the  state they serve and whensoever any such Cause do but appear straightway to  buy it out with a war and never take up peace at credit and upon interest it  be so memorable and it be yet as fresh as if it be do yesterday how that  triumvirate of king Henry the eight of England Francis the first of France and  Charles the five emperor and king of Spain be in their time so provident as  scarce a palm of ground can be get by either of the three but that the other  two will be sure to do their best to set the balance of Europe upright again  and the like diligence be use in the age before by that league wherewith  guicciardino begin his story and make it as it be the calendar of the good day  of Italy which be contract between Ferdinando king of Naples Lorenzo of Medici  potentate of Florence and Lodovico Zforza duke of Milan design chief against  the grow power of the venetians but yet so as the confederate have a perpetual  eye one upon another that none of they shall overtop to conclude therefore  howsoever some schoolman otherwise reverend man yet fit to guide pen knife  than sword seem precise to stand upon it that every offensive war must be  revenge a revenge that presuppose a precedent assault or injury yet neither do  they descend to this point which we now handle of a just fear neither be they  of authority to judge this question against all the precedent of time for  certain as long as man be man the son as the poet allude of prometheus and not  of Epimetheus and as long as reason be reason a just fear will be a just Cause  of a preventive war but especial if it be part of the case that there be a  nation that be manifest detect to aspire to Monarchy and new acquests then  other state assure can be just accuse for not stay for the first blow or for  not accept Poliphemus courtesy to be the last that shall be eat up nay I  observe further that in that passage of Plato which I cite before and even in  the tenet of that person that bear the resolve part and not the object part a  just fear be justify for a Cause of a invasive war though the same fear  proceed not from the fault of the foreign state to be assail for it be there  insinuate that if a state out of the distemper of their own body do fear  sedition and intestine trouble to break out among themselves they may  discharge their own ill humour upon a foreign war for a cure and this kind of  cure be tender by jasper Coligni admiral of France to Charles the nine the  French king when by a vive and forcible persuasion he move he to a war upon  Flanders for the better extinguishment of the civil war of France but neither  be that counsel prosperous neither will I maintain that position for I will  never set Politiqu's against ethic especial for that true ethic be but as a  hand maid to divinity and religion sure saint Thomas who have the large heart  of the school divine bend chief his style against the deprave passion which  reign in make war speak out of saint Augustine to do harm enthusiasm  to avenge oneself on credulity implacaius unappeasable animus wildness  to wage war again libido to be lord si who are like haec are queen a in  flower  jure culpaniur and the same saint I hom as in his own text define of  the just cause of a war do leave it upon very general term Requirilur and  Billum Cause justice ut scilicet that who impugnaniur near all queen he  offense Impugnationem to deserve for an attack culpae be a far more general  word than revenge Injurae and thus much for the first proposition of the  second ground of a war with Spain namely that a just fear be a just Cause of a  war and that a preventive war be a true defensive the second or minor  proposition be this that this kingdom have Cause of just fear of overthrow  from Spain wherein it be true that fear be ever see in dimmer light than fact  and on the otherside fear use many time to be represent in such a imaginary  fashion as they rather dazzle man eye than open they and therefore I will  speak in that manner which the subject require that be probable and moderate  and brief neither will I deduce these fear to present occurrence but point  only at general ground leave the rest to more secret counsel be it nothing  that the crown of Spain have enlarge the bind thereof within this last  sixscore year much more than the ottoman I speak not of match or union but of  arm occupation invasion Granada Naples Milan Portugal the east and west Indies  all these be actual addition to that crown they have a mind to French Britain  the low part of Piccardi and Piedmont but they have let fall their Bit they  have to this day such a hover possession of the Valtoline as a hobby have over  a lark and the palatinate be in their talon so that nothing be more manifest  than that this nation of Spain run a race still of empire when all other state  of Christendom stand in effect at a stay look then a little further into the  title whereby they have acquire and do now hold these new portion of their  crown and you will find they of so many variety and such nature to speak with  due respect as may appear to be easy mint and such as can hardly at any time  be want and therefore so many new conquest and purchase so many stroke of the  alarm bell of fear and awake to other nation and the facility of the title  which hand over head have serve their turn do ring the peal so much the sharp  and the loud shall we descend from their general disposition to enlarge their  dominion to their particular disposition and eye of appetite which they have  have towards we they have now twice seek to impatronize themselves of this  kingdom of England once by marriage with queen marry and the second by  Conquest in when their force by sea and land be not inferior to those they  have now and at that time in the counsel and design of Spain be by many  advertisement reveal and lie open to be that they find the war upon the low so  churlish and longsome as they grow then to a resolution that as long as  England stand in state to succour those country they shall but consume  themselves in a endless war and therefore there be no other way but to assail  and depress England which be as a back of steel to the Fleming and who can  warrant I pray that the same counsel and design will not return again so as we  be in a strange dilemma of danger for if we suffer the Fleming to be ruin they  be our cutwork and we shall remain naked and dismantle if we succour they  strong as be fit and set they upon their foot and do not withal weaken Spain  we hazard to change the scene of the war and to turn it upon Ireland or  England like unto rheum and Destuxions which if you apply a strong  repercussive to the place affect and do not take away the Cause of the disease  will shift and fall straightway to another joint or place they have also twice  invade Ireland once under the pope banner when they be defeat by the lord grey  and after in their own name when they be defeat by the lord Mountjoy so as let  this suffice for a taste of their disposition towards we but it will be say  this be a almanac for the old year since all have be well Spain have not  assail this kingdom howsoever by two several invasion from we mighty tily  provoke it be true but then consider that immediate after they be embroil for  a great time in the protection of the league of France whereby they have their  hand full after be bring extreme low by their vast and continual embracement  they be enforce to be quiet that they may take breath and do reparation upon  their former waste but now of late thing seem to come a pace to their former  estate nay with far great disadvantage to we for now that they have almost  continue and as it be arch their dominion from Milan by the Valtoline and  palatinate to the low country we see how they thirst and pant after the utter  ruin of those state have in contempt almost the germane nation and doubt  little opposition except it come from England whereby either we must suffer  the Dutch to be ruin to our own manifest prejudice or put it upon the hazard I  speak of before that Spain will cast at the fair neither be the point of  Internal danger which grow upon we to be forget this that the party of the  papist in England be become more knot both in dependence towards Spain and  among themselves than they have be wherein again come to be remember the case  of for then also it appear by diverse secret letter that the design of Spain  be for some year before the invasion attempt to prepare a party in this  kingdom to adhere to the foreigner at his come and they brag that they doubt  not but to abuse and lie asleep the queen and Council of England as to have  any fear of the party of papist here for that they know they say the state  will but cast the eye and look about to see whether there be any eminent head  of that party under who it may unite it self and find none worth the think on  the state will rest secure and take no apprehension whereas they mean they say  to take a course to deal with the people and particular by reconcilement and  confession and secret promise and care not for any head of party and this be  the true reason why after that the seminary begin to blossom and to make  mission into England which be about the three and twenty year of queen  Elizabeth at what time also be the first suspicion of the Spanish invasion  then and not before grow the sharp and severe law to be make against the  papist and therefore the papist may do well to change their thank and whereas  they thank Spain for their favour to thank they for their peril and misery if  they shall fall upon they for that nothing ever make their case so ill as the  doubt of the greatness of Spain which add reason of state to matter of  conscience and religion do whet the law against they and this case also seem  in some sort to return again at this time except the clemency of his majesty  and the state do superabound as for my part I do wish it shall and that the  proceed towards they may rather tend to security and providence and point of  state than to persecution for religion but to conclude these thing brief touch  may serve as in a subject conjectural and future for to represent how just  Cause of fear this kingdom may have towards Spain omit as I say before all  present and more secret occurrence the three ground of a war with Spain I have  set down to be a just fear of the subversion of our church and religion which  needs little speech for if this war be a defensive as I have prove it to be no  man will doubt that a defensive war against a foreigner for religion be lawful  of a offensive war there be more dispute and yet in that instance of the war  for the holy land and sepulchre I do wonder sometime that the schoolman want  word to defend that which saint Bernard want word to commend but I that in  this little extract of a treatise do omit thing necessary be not to handle  thing unnecessary no man I say will doubt but if the pope or king of Spain  will demand of we to forsake our religion upon pain of a war it be as unjust a  demand as the Persian make to the grease of land and water or the ammonites to  the Israelite of their right eye and we see all the heathen do style their  defensive war pro Aris hearth place their altar before their Hearths so that  it be in vain of this to speak further only this be true that the fear of the  subversion of our religion from Spain be the more just for that all other  catholic prince and state content and contain themselves to maintain their  religion within their own dominion and meddle not with the subject of other  state whereas the practice of Spain have be both in Charles the three be time  and in the time of the league in France by war and now with we by condition of  treaty to intermeddle with foreign state and to declare themselves protector  general of the party of catholic through the world as if the crown of Spain  have a little of this that they will plant the pope law by arm as the ottoman  do the law of mahomet thus much concern the first main point of justify the  quarrel if the king shall enter into a war for this that I have say and all  that follow to be say be but to show what he may do the second main part of  that I have propound to speak of be the balance of force between Spain and we  and this also tend to no more but what the king may do for what he may do S of  two kind what he may do as just and what he may do as possible of the one I  have already speak of the other I be now to speak I say Spain be no such giant  and yet if he be a giant it will be but as it be between David and Goliath for  God be on our side but to leave all argument that be supernatural and to speak  in a humane and politic sense I be lead to think that Spain be no over match  for England by that which lead all man that be experience and reason and with  experience I will begin for there all reason begin be it fortune shall we  think that in all action of war or arm great and small which have happen these  many year ever since Spain and England have have any thing to debate one with  the other the English upon all encounter have perpetual come off with honour  and the better it be not fortune sure she be not so constant there be somewhat  in the nation and natural courage of the people or some such thing I will make  a brief listen of the particular themselves in a historical truth no way  strowted nor make great by language this be a fit speech you will say for a  general in the head of a Army when they be go to battle yes and it be no less  fit speech to be speak in the head of a Council upon a deliberation of  entrance into a war neither speak I this to disparage the Spanish nation who I  take to be of the best soldier in Europe but that forteth to our honour if we  still have have the better hand in the year be that famous Lammas day which  bury the reputation of do ihuan do Austria himself not survive long after do  ihuan be superior in force assist by the prince of Parma mondragon Mansell and  other the best commander of Spain confident of victory charge the Army of the  state near Rimenant brave and furious at the first but after a fight maintain  by the space of a whole day be repulse and force to a retreat with great  slaughter of his man and the course of his further enterprise be whole arrest  and this chief by the prowess and virtue of the English and Scottish troop  under the conduct of sir John Norris and sir Robert Stuart colonel which troop  come to the Army but the day before harrass with a long and wearisome march  and as it be leave for a memorable circumstance in all story the Sculdiers be  more sensible of a little heat of the sun than any cold fear of death cast  away their armour and garment from they and fight in their shirt and as it be  general conceive have it not be that the count of bossu be slack in charge the  Spaniard upon their retreat this fight have sort to a absolute defeat but it  be enough to chastise do ihuan for his insidious treaty of peace wherewith he  have abuse the state at his first come and the fortune of the day beside the  testimony of all story may be the better ascribe to the service of the English  and Scottish by comparison of this charge near Rimenant where the English and  Scottish in great number come in action with the like charge give by do ihuan  half a year before at Glembours where the success be contrary there be at that  time in the Army but a handful of English and Scottish and they put in  disarray by the horseman of their own fellow the first Dart of war which be  throw from Spain or Rome upon the realm of Ireland be in the year for the  design of Stukley blue over into Africa and the attempt of sander and  Fitzherbert Maurice have a spice of madness in that year Ireland be invade by  and Italian force under the pope banner and the conduct of saint josepho to  the number of seven hundred or better which land at smerwick in Kerey a poor  number it be to conquer Ireland to the use for their design be no less but  withal they bring arm for five thousand man above their own company intend to  arm so many of the rebel of Ireland and their purpose be to fortify in some  strong place of the wild and desolate country and there to nestle till great  succour come they be hasten unto this enterprise upon a special reason of  state not proper to the enterprise it self which be by the invasion of Ireland  and the noise thereof to trouble the Council of England and to make a  diversion of certain aid that then be prepare from hence for the Low-countries  they choose a place where they erect a fort which they call the fort deal or  and from thence they bolt like beast of the forest sometime into the wood and  fastness and sometime back again to their den soon after siege be lie to the  fort by the lord grey then deputy with a small number than those be within the  fort venturous indeed but haste be make to attach they before the rebel come  in to they after the siege of four day oneiy and two or three sally with loss  on their part they that shall have make good the fort for some month till new  succour come from Spain or at least from the rebel of Ireland yield up  themselves without condition at the end of those four day and for that there  be not in the English Army enough to keep every man a prisoner and for that  also the deputy expect instant to be assail by the rebel and again there be no  bark to throw they into and send they away by sea they be all put to the sword  with which queen Elizabeth be afterward much displease in the year be that  memorable retreat of gaunt than the which there have not be a exploit of war  more celebrate for in the true judgement of man of war honourable retreat be  no way inferior to brave charge as have less of fortune more of discipline and  as much of valour there be to the number of three hundred horse and as many  thousand foot English command by sir John Norris charge by the prince of Parma  come upon they with seven thousand horse beside that the whole Army of  Spaniard be ready to march on nevertheless sir John Norris maintain a retreat  without disarray by the space of some mile part of the way champagne unto the  city of gaunt with less loss of man than the enemy the duke of Anjou and the  prince of Aurange behold this noble action from the wall of gaunt as in a  theatre with great admiration in the year follow the prosperous expedition of  drake and Carlisle into the west Indies in the which I set aside the take of  saint Jago and saint Domingo in Hispaniola as surprise rather than encounter  but that of Cartagena where the Spaniard have warning of our come and have put  themselves in their full strength be one of the hot service and most dangerous  assault that have be know for the access to the town be only by a neck of land  between the sea on the one part and the harbour water or Inner sea on the  other fortify clean over with a strong rampire and barracado so as upon the  ascent of our man they have both great ordnance and small shoot that thunder  and shower upon they from the rampire in front and from the galley that lie at  sea in flank and yet they force the passage and win the town be likewise very  well man as for the expedition of sir Francis drake in the year for the  destroy of the Spanish ship and provision upon their own coast as I can say  that there intervene in that enterprise any sharp fight or encounter so  nevertheless it do strange discover either that Spain be very weak at home or  very slow to move when they suffer a small fleet of English to make a hostile  invasion or incursion upon their haven and road from Cadez to capa sancram and  thence to cascais and to fire sink and carry away at the least ten thousand  tun of their great ship beside fifty or sixty of their small vessel and that  in the sight and under the favour of their fort and almost under the eye of  their great admiral the best commander of Spain by sea the marquis de sancta  Cruz without ever be dispute with by any fight of importance I remember drake  in the vaunt style of a soldier will call this enterprise the Cingeing of the  king of Spain beard the enterprise of eighty eight deserve to be stand upon a  little more full be a miracle of time there arm from Spain in the year the  great navy that ever swim upon the sea for though there have be far great  fleet for number yet for the bulk and building of the ship with the furniture  of great ordnance and provision never the like the design be to make not a  invasion only but a utter Conquest of this kingdom the number of vessel be one  hundred and thirty whereof galliasses and galleon seventy two goodly ship like  float tower or castle man with thirty thousand soldier and mariner this navy  be the preparation of five whole year at the least it bear it self also upon  divine assistance for it receive special blessing from pope Zistus and be  assign as a apostolical mission for the reducement of this kingdom to the  obedience of the see of Rome and in further token of this holy warfare there  be among the rest of these ship twelve call by the name of the twelve apostle  but it be true conceive that this kingdom of England can never be over whelm  except the land water come in to the Sea-Tides therefore be there also in  readiness in Flanders a mighty strong Army of land force to the number of  fifty thousand veteran soldier under the conduct of the duke of Parma the best  commander next the French king Henry the four of his time these be design to  join with the force at sea there be prepare a number of flat bottom boat to  transport the land force under the wing and protection of the great navy for  they make no account but that the navy shall be absolute master of the sea  against these force there be prepare on our part to the number of near one  hundred ship not so great of bulk indeed but of a more nimble motion and more  serviceable beside a less fleet of ship for the custody of the narrow sea  there be also in readiness at land two army beside other force to the number  of ten thousand disperse among the coast town in the southern part the two  army be appoint one of they consist of twenty five thousand horse and foot for  the repulse of the enemy at their land and the other of twenty five thousand  for safeguard and attendance about the court and the queen person there be  also other dormant muster of soldier throughout all part of the realm that be  put in readiness but not draw together the two army be assign to the lead of  two general noble person but both of they rather courtier and assure to the  state than martial man yet line and assist with subordinate commander of great  experience valour the fortune of the war make this enterprise at first a Play  at base the Spanish navy set forth out of the groin in may be disperse and  drive back by weather our navy set forth somewhat late out of plymouth and  bear up towards the coast of Spain to have fight with the Spanish navy and  partly by reason of contrary wind partly upon advertisement that the Spaniard  be go back and upon some doubt also that they may pass towards the coast of  England while we be seek they afar off return likewise into plymouth about the  middle of July at that time come more confident advertisement though false not  only to the lord admiral but to the court that the Spaniard can not possible  come forward that year whereupon our navy be upon the point of disband and  many of our man go ashore at which very time the invincible armada for so it  be call in a Spanish ostentation throughout Europe be discover upon the  western coast it be a kind of surprise for that as be say many of our man be  go to land and our ship ready to depart nevertheless the admiral with such  ship only as can sudden be put in readiness make forth towards they in so much  as of one hundred ship there come scarce thirty to work howbeit with they and  such as come daily in we set upon they and give they the chase but the  Spaniard for want of courage which they call Commission decline the fight cast  themselves continual into roundel their strong ship wall in the rest and in  that manner they make a fly march towards Calais our man by the space of five  or six day follow they close fight with they continual make great slaughter of  their man take two of their great ship and give diverse other of their ship  their death wound whereof soon after they sink and perish and in a word  distress they almost in the nature of a defeat we our self in the mean time  receive little or no hurt near Calais the Spaniard anchor expect their land  force which come not it be afterward allege that the duke of Parma do  artificial delay his come but this be but a invention and pretention give out  by the Spaniard partly upon a Spanish envy against that duke be a Italian and  his son a competitor to Portugal but chief to save the monstrous scorn and  disreputation which they and their nation receive by the success of that  enterprise therefore their colour and excuse forsooth be that their general by  sea have a limit Commission not to fight until the land force be come in to  they and that the duke of Parma have particular reach and end of his own  underhand to cross the design but it be both a strange Commission and a  strange obedience to a Commission for man in the amid of their own blood and  be so furious assail to hold their hand contrary to the law of nature and  necessity and as for the duke of Parma he be reasonable well tempt to be true  to that enterprise by no less promise than to be make a feudatory or  beneficiary king of England under the seignory in chief of the pope and the  protection of the king of Spain beside it appear that the duke of Parma hold  his place long after in the favour and trust of the king of Spain by the great  employment and service that he perform in France and again it be manifest that  the duke do his best to come down and to put to sea the truth be that the  Spanish navy upon those proof of fight which they have with the English find  how much hurt they receive and how little hurt they do by reason of the  activity and low building of our ship and skill of our seaman and be also  command by a general of small courage and experience and have lose at the  first two of their brave commander at sea Petro de Valdez and Michael de  Oquenda dare not put it to a battle at sea but set up their rest whole upon  the land enterprise on the other side the transport of the land force fail in  the very foundation for whereas the Council of Spain make full account that  their navy shall be master of the sea and therefore able to guard and protect  the vessel of transportation when it fall out to the contrary that the great  navy be distress and have enough to do to save it self and again that the  Hollander impound their land force with a brave fleet of thirty sail excellent  well appoint thing I say be in this state it come to pass that the duke of  Parma must have fly if he will have come into England for he can get neither  Barqne nor mariner to put to sea yet certain it be that the duke look still  for the come back of the armada even at that time when they be wander and make  their perambulation upon the Northern sea but to return to the armada which we  leave anchor at Calais from thence as sir Walter raleigh be wont pretty to say  they be sudden drive away with squib for it be no more but a stratagem of fire  boat manless and send upon they by the favour of the wind in the night time  that do put they in such terror as they cut their cable and leave their anchor  at sea after they hover some two or three day about graveling and there again  be Beatrice in a great fight at what time our second fleet which keep the  narrow sea be come in and joy n to our main fleet thereupon the Spaniard enter  into further terror and find also diverse of their ship every day to sink lose  all courage and in stead of come up into the Thames mouth for London as their  design be flee on towards the north to seek their fortune be still chase by  the English navy at the heel until we be fain to give they over for want of  powder the breath of Scotland the Spaniard can not endure neither dare they as  invader land in Ireland but only ennoble some of the coast thereof with  shipwreck and so go north ward aloof as long as they have any doubt of be  pursue at last when they be out of reach they turn and cross the ocean to  Spain have lose fourscore of their ship and the great part of their man and  this be the end of that Sea-Giant the invincible armada which have not so much  as fire a cottage of we at land nor take a cock boat of we at sea wander  through the wilderness of the Northern sea and accord to the curse in the  scripture come out against we one way and flee before we seven way serve only  to make good the judgement of a astrologer long before give Octuagesimus  the eighth mirabilis year  or rather to make good even to the astonishment of  all posterity the wonder judgement of God pour down common upon vast and proud  aspire in the year that follow of we give the Spaniard no breath but turn  challenger and invade the main of Spain in which enterprise although we fail  in our end which be to settle do Antonio in the kingdom of Portugal yet a man  shall hardly meet with a action that do better reveal the great secret of the  power of Spain which power well seek into will be find rather to consist in a  veteran Army such as upon several occasion and pretention they have ever have  on foot in one part or other of Christendom now the space of almost sixscore  year than in the strength of their dominion and province for what can be more  strange or more to the Dis-valuation of the power of the Spaniard upon the  continent than that with a Army of eleven thousand English land soldier and a  fleet of twenty six ship of war beside some weak vessel for transportation we  shall within the hour glass of two month have win one town of importance by  Escalada batter and assault another overthrow great force in the field and  that upon the disadvantage of a bridge strong barracado'd land the Army in  three several place of his kingdom march seven day in the heart of his country  lodge three night in the suburb of his principal city Beatrice his force into  the gate thereof possess two of his Frentire fort and come off after all this  with small loss of man otherwise than by sickness and it be very think that  have it not be for four great disfavour of that voyage that be to say the fail  in sundry provision that be promise especial of cannon for battery the vain  hope of do Antomo concern the people of the country to come in to his aid the  disappointment of the fleet that be direct to come up the river of Lisbon and  last the disease which spread in the Army by reason of the heat of the season  and of the soldier Misrule in diet the enterprise have succeed and Lisbon have  be carry but howsoever it make proof to the world that a invasion of a few  English upon Spain may have just hope of victory at least of passport to  depart safe in the year be that memorable fight of a English ship call the  revenge under the command of sir Richard Greenvil memorable I say even beyond  credit and to the height of some Herorcal fable and though it be a defeat yet  it exceed a victory be like the Act of Samson that kill more man at his death  than he have do in the time of all his life this ship for the space of fifteen  hour sit like a Stag among hound at the bay and be siege and fight with in  turn by fifteen great ship of Spain part of a navy of fifty five ship in all  the rest like abettor look on afar off and among the fifteen ship that fight  the great saint Philippo be one a ship of fifteen hundred tun prince of the  twelve sea apostle which be right glad when she be shift off from the revenge  this brave ship the revenge be man only with two hundred soldier and mariner  whereof eighty lie sick yet nevertheless after a fight maintain as be say of  fifteen hour and two ship of the enemy sink by her side beside many more tear  and batter and great slaughter of man never come to be enter but be take by  composition the enemy themselves have in admiration the virtue of the  commander and the whole tragedy of that ship in the year be the second  invasion that we make upon the main territory of Spain prosperous achieve by  that worthy and famous Robert earl of Essex in consort with the noble earl of  nottingham that now life then admiral this journey be like lightning for in  the space of fourteen hour the king of Spain navy be destroy and the town of  Cadez take the navy be no less than fifty tall ship beside twenty galley to  attend they the ship be straightway Beatrice and put to flight with such  terror a the Spaniard in the end be their own executioner and fire they all  with their own hand the galley by the benefit of the shore and shallow get  away the town be a fair strong well build and rich city famous in antiquity  and now most speak of for this disaster it be man with soldier foot and some  horse it be sack and burn though great clemency be use towards the inhabitant  but that which be no less strange than the sudden victory be the great  patience of the Spaniard who though we stay upon the place diverse day yet  never offer we any play then nor ever put we in suit by any action of revenge  or reparation at any time after in the year be the battle of Newport in the  low country where the army of the arch duke and the state try it out by a just  battle this be the only battle that be fight in those country these many year  for battle in the French war have be frequent but in the war of Flanders rare  as the nature of a defensive require the force of both army be not much  unequal that of the state exceed somewhat in number but that again be  recompense in the quality of the soldier for those of the Spanish part be of  the flower of all the force the arch duke be the assailant and the preventer  and have the fruit of his diligence and celerity for he have charge certain  company of Scottishmen to the number of eight hundred send to make good a  passage and thereby sever from the body of the Army and cut they all in piece  for they like a brave infantry when they can make no honourable retreat and  will take no dishonourable flight make good the place with their life this  entrance of the battle do whet the courage of the Spaniard though it dull  their sword so as they come proud on confident to defeat the whole Army the  encounter of the main battle which follow be a just encounter not hasten to a  sudden rout nor the fortune of the day rest upon a few former rank but fight  out to the proof by several squadron and not without variety of success stat  Pedius pes thick man man there fall out a error in the Dutch Army by the over  hasty medley of some of their man with the enemy which hinder the play of  their great ordnance but the end be that the Spaniard be utter defeat and near  five thousand of their man in the fight and in the execution slay and take  among who be many of the principal person of their Army the honour of the day  be both by the enemy and the Dutch themselves ascribe unto the English of who  sir Francis veer in a private commentary which he write of that service leave  testify that of fifteen hundred in number for they be no more eight hundred be  slay in the field and which be almost incredible in a day of victory of the  remain seven hundred two only man come off hurt among the rest sir Francis  veer himself have the principal honour of the service unto who the prince of  Aurange as be say do transmit the direction of the Army for that day and in  the next place sir Horace veer his brother that now life who be the principal  in the active part the service also of sir Edward cecil sir John Ogle and  diverse other brave gentleman be eminent in the year follow the battle of  Kinsale in Ireland by this Spanish invasion of Ireland which be in September  that year a man may guess how long time a Spaniard will live in Irish ground  which be a matter of a quarter of a year or four month at most for they have  all the advantage in the world and no man will have think consider the small  force employ against they that they can have be drive out so soon they obtain  without resistance in the end of September the town of Kinsale a small  garrison of English leave the town upon the Spaniard approach and the townsman  receive the foreigner as friend the number of Spaniard that put themselves  into Kinsale be man soldier of old band under the command of do ihuan d'Aquila  a man of good valour the town be strong of it self neither want there any  industry to fortify it on all part and make it tenable accord to the skill and  discipline of Spanish fortification at that time the rebel be proud be  encourage upon former success for though the then deputy the lord Mountjoy and  sir George Carew precedent of Munster have perform diverse good service to  their prejudice yet the defeat they have give the English at blackwater not  long before and their treaty too much to their honour with the earl of Essex  be yet fresh in their memory the deputy lose no time but make haste to have  recover the town before new succour come and sit down before it in October and  lie siege to it by the space of three winter month or more during which time  sally be make by the Spaniard but they be Beatrice in with loss in January  come fresh succour from Spain to the number of more under the conduct of  Alonzo d'Ocampo upon the comfort of these succour Tirone and odonnel draw up  their force together to the number of beside the Spanish regiment and take the  field resolve to rescue the town and give the English battle so here be the  case a Army of English of some waste and tire with a long winter siege engage  in the amid between a Army of a great number than themselves fresh and in  vigour on the one side and a town strong in fortification and strong in man on  the other but what be the event thus in few word that after the Irish and  Spanish force have come on and show themselves in some bravery they be content  to give the English the honour as to charge they first and when it come to the  charge there appear no other difference between the valour of the Irish rebel  and the Spaniard but that the one run away before they be charge and the other  straight after and again the Spaniard that be in the town have so good memory  of their loss in their former sally as the confidence of a Army which come for  their deliverance can not draw they forth again to conclude there succeed a  absolute victory for the English with the slaughter of above of the enemy the  take of nine ensign whereof six Spanish the take of the Spanish general  D'Ocampo prisoner and this with the loss of so few of the English as be scarce  credible be as have be rather confident than credible report but of one man  the cornet of sir Richard Gream though not a few hurt there follow immediate y  after the defeat a present yield up of the town by composition and not only so  but a avoid by express article of treaty accord of all other Spanish force  throughout all Ireland from the Plaees and nest where they have settle  themselves in great strength as in regard of the natural situation of the  place than that be of Kinsale which be castle haven Baltimore and beer haven  indeed they go away with sound of trumpet for they do nothing but publish and  trumpet all the reproach they can devise against the Irish land and nation  insomuch as D'Aquila say in open treaty that when the devil upon the mount do  show Christ all the kingdom of the earth and the glory of they he do not doubt  the devil leave out Ireland and keep it for himself I cease here omit not a  few other proof of the English valour and fortune in their late time as at the  suburb of parish at the Raveline at Druse in Normandy some encounter in  Britain and at ostend and diverse other partly because some of they have not  be proper encounter between the Spaniard and the English and partly because  other of they have not be of that greatness as to have sort in company with  the particular former recite it be true that among all the late adventure the  voyage of sir Francis drake and sir John Hawkins into the west Indies be  unfortunate yet in such sort as it do not break or interrupt our prescription  to have have the better of the Spaniard upon all fight of late for the  disaster of that journey be cause chief by sickness as may well appear by the  death of both the general sir Francis drake and sir John Hawkins of the same  sickness among the rest the land enterprise of Panama be a ill measure and  immature counsel for it be ground upon a false account that the passage  towards Panama be no better fortify than drake have leave they but yet it sort  not to any fight of importance but to a retreat after the English have prove  the strength of their first fort and have notice of the two other fort beyond  by which they be to have march it be true that in the return of the English  fleet they be set upon by Avellaneda admiral of great great ship Spanish our  fleet be but full of sick man deprive of their two general at sea and have no  pretence but to journey homeward and yet the Spaniard do but salute they about  the cape de los corient with some small offer of fight and come off with loss  although it be such a new thing for the Spaniard to receive so little hurt up  on deal with the English as Avellaneda make great brag of it for no great  matter than the wait upon the English a far off from cape de los corient to  cape Antonio which nevertheless in the language of a soldier and of a Spaniard  he call a chase but before I proceed further it be good to meet with a  objection which if it be not remove the conclusion of experience from the time  pass to the time present will not be sound and perfect for it will be say that  in the former time whereof we have speak Spain be not so mighty as now it be  and England on the other side be more afore hand in all matter of power  therefore let we compare with indifferency these disparity of time and we  shall plain perceive that they make for the advantage of England at this  present time and because we will less wander in generalty we will fix the  comparison to precise time compare the state of Spain and England in the year  with this present year that now run in handle of this point I will not meddle  with any personal comparison of the prince councillor and commander by sea or  land that be then and that be now in both kingdom Spain and England but only  rest upon real point for the true balance of the state of the force and affair  of both time and yet these personal comparison I omit not but that I can  evident show that even in these personal respect the balance sway on our part  but because I will say nothing that may favour of a spirit of flattery or  censure of the present government first therefore it be certain that Spain  have not now a foot of ground in quiet possession more than it have in as for  the Valtoline and the palatinate it be a maxim in state that all country of  new acquest till they be settle be rather matter of burden than strength on  the other side England have Scotland unite Ireland reduce to obedience and  plant which be mighty augmentation second in the kingdom of France able alone  to counterpoise Spain it self much more in conjunction be tear with the party  of the league which give law to their king and depend whole upon Spain now  France be unite under a valiant young king general obey if he will himself  king of Navarre as well as of France and that be no way take prisoner though  he be tie in a double chain of alliance with Spain three in there sit in the  see of Rome a fierce thunder friar that will set all at six and seven or at  six and five if you allude to his name and though he will after have turn his  tooth upon Spain yet he be take order with before it come to that now there be  ascend to the papacy a personage that come in by a chaste election no way  oblige to the party of the Spaniard a man breed in Embassages and affair of  state that have much of the prince and nothing of the friar and one that  though he love the chair of the papacy well yet he love the carpet above the  chair that be Italy and the liberty thereof well likewise fourthly in the king  of Denmark be a stranger to England and rather incline to Spain now the king  be incorporate to the blood of England engage in the quarrel of the palatinate  then also Venice Savoy and the prince and city of Germany have but a dull fear  of the greatness of Spain upon a general apprehension only of the spread and  ambitious design of that nation now that fear be sharpen and point by the  Spaniard late enterprise upon the Valtoline and the palatinate which come near  they five and last the Dutch which be the Spaniard perpetual duellist have now  at this present five ship to one and the like proportion in Treasure and  wealth to that they have in neither be it possible whatsoever be give out that  the coffer of Spain shall now be full than they be in for at that time Spain  have no other war save those of the low country which be grow into a ordinary  now they have have couple therewith the extraordinary of the Valtoline and the  palatinate and so I conclude my answer to the objection raise touch the  difference of time not enter into more secret passage of state but keep that  character of style whereof Seneca speak plus signify how to speak here I will  pass over from matter of experience be it not that I hold it necessary to  discover a wonder erroneous observation that walk about and be common receive  contrary to all the account of time and experience it be that the Spaniard  where he once get in will seldom or never be get out again but nothing be less  true than this not long since they get foot at breast and some other part in  French Britain and after quit they they have Calais Ardes and Amiens and  render they or be Beatrice out they have since Verseilles fair leave it they  have the other day the Valtoline and now have put it in deposit what they will  do with ormus which the Persian have take from they we shall see so that to  speak true of late time they have rather poach and offer at a number of  enterprise than maintain any constant quite contrary to that idle tradition in  more ancient time leave their purchase in Africa which they after abandon when  their great emperor Charles have clasp Germany almost in his fist he be force  in the end to go from isburg and as if it have be in a mask by torch light and  to quit every foot in Germany round that he have get which I doubt not will be  the hereditary issue of this late purchase of the palatinate and so I conclude  the ground that I have to think that Spain will be no over match to great  Britain if his majesty shall enter into a war out of experience record of time  for ground of reason they be many I will extract the principal and open they  brief and as it be in the Bud for situation I pass it over though it be no  small point England Scotland Ireland and our good confederate the unite  province lie all in a plump together not accessible but by sea or at least by  pass of great river which be natural fortification as for the dominion of  Spain they be so scatter as it yield great choice of the scene of the war and  promise slow succour unto such part as shall be attempt there be three main  part of military puissance man money and confederate for man there be to be  consider valour and number of valour I speak not take it from the witness that  have be produce before yet the old observation be not true that the Spaniard  valour lie in the eye of the looker on but the English valour lie about the  soldier heart a valour of glory and a valour of natural courage be two thing  but let that pass and let we speak of number Spain be a nation thin sow of  people partly by reason of the sterility of the soil and partly because their  native be exhaust by so many employment in such vast territory as they possess  so that it have be account a kind of miracle to see ten or twelve thousand  Native Spaniard in a Army and it be certain as we have touch it a little  before in passage that the secret of the power of Spain consist in a veteran  Army compound of miscellany force of all nation which for many year they have  have on foot upon one occasion or other and if there shall happen the  misfortune of a battle it will be a long work to draw on supply they tell a  Tale of a Spanish ambassador that be bring to see the treasury of saint mark  at Venice and still he look down to the ground and be ask why he so look down  say he be look to see whether their Treasure have any root so that if it be  spend it will grow again as his master have but howsoever it be of their  Treasure certain the force have scarce any root or at least such a root as bud  forth poor slow it be true they have the Wallons who be tall soldier but that  be but a Spot of ground but on the other side there be not in the world again  such a spring and seminary of brave militar people as in England Scotland  Ireland and the unite province so as if war shall mow they down never so fast  yet they may be sudden supply and come up again for money no doubt it be the  principal part of the greatness of Spain for by that they maintain a veteran  Army and Spain be the only state of Europe that be a money grower but in this  part of all other be most to be consider the tick lish and brittle state of  the greatness of Spain their greatness consist in their Treasure their  Treasure in their Indies and their Indies if it be well weigh be indeed but a  accession to such as be master by sea so as this axletree whereupon their  greatness turn be soon cut in two by any that shall be strong than they by sea  herein therefore I refer I to the opinion of all man enemy or whosoever  whether that the maritime force of great Britain and the unite province be not  able to Beatrice the spainard at sea for if that be so the link of that chain  whereby they hold their greatness be dissolve now if it be say that admit the  case of Spain be such as we have make it yet we ought to descend into our own  case which we shall find perhaps not to be in state for Treasure to enter into  a war with Spain to which I answer I know no such thing the mint Beatrice well  and the pulse of the people heart Beatrice well but there be another point  that take away quite this objection for whereas war be general cause of  poverty or consumption on the contrary part the special nature of this war  with Spain if it be make by sea be like to be a lucrative and restorative war  so that if we go roundly on at the first the war in continuance will find it  self and therefore you must make a great difference between Hercules labour by  land and Jason voyage by sea for the golden fleece for confederate I will not  take upon I the knowledge how the prince state and counsel of Europe at this  day stand affect towards Spain for that trench into the secret occurrent of  the present time wherewith in all this treatise I have forbear to meddle but  to speak of that which lie open and in view I see much matter of quarrel and  jealousy but little of amity and trust towards Spain almost in all other  estate I see France be in competition with they for three noble portion of  their Monarchy Navarre Naples and Milan and now fresh in difference with they  about the Valtoline I see once in or year come a pope that cast his eye upon  the kingdom of Naples to recover it to the church as it be in the mind of  Julius Paulus and Zistus as for that great body of Germany I see they have  great reason to confederate themselves with the king of France and great  Britain or Denmark for the liberty of the germane nation and for the expulsion  of Spanish and foreign force than they have in the year and at which time they  contract a league with Henry two the French king upon the same article against  Charles five who have impatronized himself of a great part of Germany through  the discord of the germane prince which himself have so wen and foment which  league at that time do the deed and drive out all the Spaniard out of that  part of Germany and reintegrated that nation in their ancient liberty and  honour for the west Indies though Spain have have yet not much actual  disturbance there except it have be from England yet nevertheless I see all  prince lie a kind of claim unto they account the Title of Spain but as a  monopoly of those large country wherein they have in great part but a  imaginary possession for Africa upon the west the more of Valentia expulse and  their alley do yet hang as a cloud or storm over Spain Gabor on the east be  like a anniversary wind that rise every year upon the party of Austria and  Persia have enter into Hostolity with Spain and give they the first blow by  take of ormus it be within every man observation also that Venice do think  their state almost on fire if the Spaniard hold the Valtoline that Savoy have  learned by fresh experience that alliance with Spain be no security against  the ambition of Spain and that of Bavaria have likewise be teach that merit  and service do oblige the Spaniard but from day to day neither do I say for  all this but that Spain may rectify much of this ill blood by their particular  and cunning negotiation but yet there it be in the body and may break out no  man know when into ill accident but at least it show plain that which serve  for our purpose that Spain be much destitute of assure and confident  confederate and therefore I will conclude this part with the speech of a  councillor of state in Spain at this day which be not without salt he say to  his master the king of Spain that now be upon occasion sir I will tell your  majesty thus much for your comfort tour majesty have but two enemy whereof the  one be all the world and the other be tour own minister and thus I end the  second main part I propound to speak of which be the balance of the force  between the king majesty and the king of Spain if a war must follow Finis